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The nationwide effort to reduce bullying in U.Due south. schools can exist regarded as part of larger civil and human rights movements that have provided children with many of the rights afforded to adults. But so far, protections confronting harassment apply only to children who fall into protected classes, such as racial and ethnic minorities, students with disabilities, and victims of gender harassment or religious discrimination.

This article identifies the conceptual challenges that bullying poses for legal and policy efforts, reviews judicial and legislative efforts to reduce bullying and makes recommendations for schoolhouse policy.

Overview
  • CE credits: one
  • Test items: 10
  • Learning objectives: After completing this course participants will be able to:
    one. Distinguish between bullying and harassment.
    ii. Depict how bullying at schoolhouse can be a civil rights violation.
    3. Draw recommended schoolhouse policies on bullying.

Ii events in 1999 were turning points in the recognition of school bullying every bit an important societal trouble in the Usa. Commencement was the shooting at Columbine High School, widely viewed in the press as deportment by vengeful victims of bullying. Equally important, but less prominent in the media, was the U.S. Supreme Court decision in Davis v. Monroe County Lath of Educational activity, which established that schools could exist liable for failing to stop student-to-student sexual harassment.

Yet after more than than a decade of judicial and legislative activeness since those two landmark events — as well every bit a massive increase in scientific research — today's laws and policies about bullying are fragmented and inconsistent. This article examines conceptual challenges in judicial and legislative efforts to accost bullying in schools and recommends ways to better schools' antibullying policies.

Defining bullying

The definition of bullying recognized by the Centers for Affliction Control and Prevention includes 3 characteristics: intentional aggression, a power imbalance betwixt aggressor and victim, and repetition of the aggression. Each of these criteria poses challenges for law and policy.

Intentional assailment is broadly inclusive and means that bullying tin be concrete, verbal or social. Equally a outcome, bullying tin overlap with many other behaviors such as criminal set on, extortion, hate crimes and sexual harassment. But in its milder forms, bullying tin can be difficult to distinguish from ordinary teasing, horseplay or conflict. With regard to social or relational bullying, it may exist hard to describe the line between children's friendship squabbles and painful social ostracism.

The 2d criterion — a ability imbalance betwixt aggressor and victim — distinguishes bullying from other forms of peer assailment. Still, a power imbalance is difficult to appraise. Although judgments almost physical size and strength are viable in cases of physical bullying, bullying is about oftentimes verbal or social and requires that there exist a power differential that requires an assessment of peer status, self-confidence or cognitive capability. In some contexts, the victim lacks power for less obvious reasons, such equally sexual orientation, disability or membership in a particular racial or ethnic grouping. A farther complication is that interpersonal ability tin vary across situations and circumstances.

The 3rd criterion for bullying is repetitive beliefs. If repetition is seen as a necessary criterion for intervention, this might complicate enforcement of bullying rules and policies, because observers would have the added burden of detecting multiple incidents of abusive behavior before they can conclude that bullying has occurred. Virtually definitions recognize that a unmarried bullying incident tin can exist sufficiently harmful or likely to be repeated that it can exist regarded as bullying.

In recent years, cyberbullying has emerged as a novel and especially baneful way to harm others. Through Web postings, texts, tweets and more than, those who bully can publicly humiliate someone on a continuous basis. Nearly government recognize that cyberbullying is a modality for engaging in verbal and social bullying, discipline to the same definitional criteria, rather than a qualitatively unlike behavior.

Harassment versus bullying and the police force

"Harassment" is a term often used interchangeably with "bullying," only it has an established history in ceremonious rights police and policy that precedes the fledgling laws and developing policies concerning bullying. U.S. civil rights laws are the culmination of many unlike advocacy movements aimed at protecting specific classes of individuals who are vulnerable to bigotry. For case, Championship VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 prohibits discrimination based on race, color or national origin, while Championship IX of the Didactics Amendments of 1972 prohibits bigotry on the footing of sex. Both Section 504 of the Rehabilitation Human action of 1973 and Championship Two of the Americans with Disabilities Human action of 2004 prohibit discrimination on the ground of inability.

Of particular relevance to educators is that these laws protect students from bigotry that deprives them of their right to costless appropriate public education (FAPE), a concept articulated in the 1975 Education of All Handicapped Children Act, and revised in the 1990 Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (Thought). These laws take been generally interpreted to mean that teachers, administrators and other schoolhouse personnel who are employed in public schools that receive federal funds must not engage in discriminatory practices against their students.

But while these laws conspicuously protect students from an adult's discriminatory treatment at school, there had been substantial disagreement among the courts on whether the laws apply to student-on-educatee harassment. That changed in 1999 when in Davis v. Monroe County Board of Education (1999) the Supreme Courtroom ruled that school authorities could be held liable under Title IX for damages in a case involving pupil-on-educatee harassment.

Specifically, the case involved a fifth-form girl who was repeatedly harassed by a male classmate who made sexually suggestive statements and gestures, and touched her inappropriately. During months of harassment, the daughter was distressed, her grades declined and she wrote a suicide note. Frustrated by the school'due south lack of responsiveness, the parents went to the police force and pressed charges. The boy pled guilty to sexual bombardment.

The family sued school government on the basis of the Championship IX provision that "no person shall, on the basis of sex, be excluded from participation in, be denied the benefits of, or be subjected to discrimination under any education program or activity receiving Federal financial help." The lower courts sided with the school officials and the family appealed; after 6 years, the case reached the U.S. Supreme Courtroom. Its v–iv determination was a monumental shift in the legal obligations of schools for educatee behavior, finding that sexual harassment of i student past another could found a discriminatory act nether Championship IX.

This determination opened the door for more cases arguing that schools should take activeness to stop harassment. In its decision, the Supreme Court identified four conditions that must be met for a school to be held liable:

  • The pupil must be victimized considering of membership in a protected category.
  • The harassment at schoolhouse must be severe. Ordinary teasing, name-calling and rough play among students are non sufficient unless the behavior is and so severe, pervasive and offensive that it denies its victims equal access to educational activity.
  • School government must be aware of the harassment, and are not liable for harassment that they did non know nearly.
  • Schools are liable merely if they are "deliberately indifferent" to the harassment. Schools are not required to forbid or cease harassment, but simply to make reasonable efforts to arbitrate when they go enlightened of it.

Although the Davis 5. Monroe conclusion tin can be regarded as a great stride forward for children's rights in school, it cruel brusque of extending to students the protections from harassment afforded to adults in the workplace. Both the third and fourth weather represent a significant difference from standards unremarkably applied to developed work settings. In the adult workplace, employers may be liable for sexual harassment by co-workers that they should have known about, even if they were unaware of information technology. Furthermore, employers are expected to successfully remedy the harassment and restore a harassment-complimentary workplace.

Subsequent cases illustrate how courts have applied the Davis 5. Monroe conclusion to bullying. In Shore Regional High Schoolhouse Lath of Education v. P.S. Xl-one (2004), the Tertiary Circuit held that the school district's failure to stop bullying can constitute a deprival of a student's right to FAPE under IDEA. In this example, a boy had been verbally and physically bullied because of his perceived "girlish" appearance and was called names such as "gay" and "faggot." The boy was classified every bit eligible for special education services because of emotional disturbance that was attributed to being bullied. Subsequently the boy attempted suicide in the 8th class, his parents were unwilling to send him to the local high schoolhouse with the same students who had bullied him in elementary and middle school. School government initially denied the male child's transfer, but the parents argued successfully to the court that he should be permitted to get to a different high schoolhouse.

Another instance, Scruggs v. Meriden Board of Education (2005), prompted the Connecticut legislature to pass antibullying legislation. In this instance, a 12-twelvemonth-sometime male child died past suicide later years of physical and verbal bullying in eye school. The plaintiff successfully argued that the boy was bullied because of his learning inability, and that the school failed to follow appropriate special education procedures, did not railroad train its staff adequately and did not have advisable antibullying and harassment policies.

Federal guidance on bullying and harassment

Educational standards on bullying are emerging most clearly through a serial of "Love Colleague" messages from the U.Due south. Department of Education to school authorities. In 2010, the section's Part for Civil Rights sent such letters to schools nationwide to provide guidance on dealing with bullying that rises to the level of a ceremonious rights violation. The letters emphasized that some forms of bullying constitute discriminatory harassment nether federal law. As the letter advised, bullying of an individual based on race, color, national origin, sexual practice or disability can be a ceremonious rights violation if it is sufficiently astringent, pervasive or persistent that information technology interferes with a student's power to benefit from the schoolhouse's services, activities or opportunities. The letter also pointed out that when a student who is existence bullied is also identified equally a victim of a federal civil rights violation, the school has more an obligation to finish the violation. The schools must "eliminate any hostile environment and its effects" as well as accept steps to "prevent the harassment from recurring" the letter of the alphabet said.

These obligations imply a broader try to influence pupil behavior and ameliorate the school climate beyond simply disciplining the culpable student. The messages encouraged schools to train staff on the school's ceremonious rights obligations, to have clear policies and procedures in identify, and to provide some form of orientation to students and families to assist them recognize and seek help for harassment. These recommended standards go well beyond the conditions for liability articulated in Davis v. Monroe.

In 2011, another Office for Civil Rights Honey Colleague alphabetic character brash that the Title Ix protection against gender-based harassment would include students harassed on the basis of their perceived sexual orientation. This was an important extension because harassment based on sexual orientation is pervasive and sexual minority students report high levels of bullying.

In 2013, the U.S. Department of Education issued guidance to schoolhouse regime emphasizing their obligation to preclude the bullying of students with disabilities, stating, "whether or non the bullying is related to the student's disability, any bullying of a student with a disability that results in the student non receiving meaningful educational benefit constitutes a denial of FAPE under the IDEA that must be remedied." A follow-up alphabetic character sent to school personnel a yr afterwards to reiterate that the bullying of a pupil with a disability can outcome in a denial of FAPE highlights schools' obligations to address beliefs that may establish disability-based harassment, and explains schools' responsibilities to remedy any denial of FAPE.

Just there is a fundamental problem with the employ of civil rights law to forbid bullying: Some bullied students do non autumn into one of the protected groups. Moreover, some students may exist members of a protected group, only bullying oftentimes targets characteristics (e.thou., "You're fatty and stupid") that do not narrowly focus on protected characteristics such as race or faith. As a issue, applying civil rights laws regarding harassment to cases of bullying — however beneficial to many students — creates gaps and ambiguities that practice not protect all bullied students. Although students with disabilities take an explicit right to a FAPE mandated past Thought, students without disabilities are not included under this legislation.

A natural question is why students without disabilities do not have a comparable right to FAPE. The answer is that federal law does not give all children the correct to public education — that has historically been the domain of state and local governments.

Arguably, the goal of the No Kid Left Backside Act (2001) to provide "all children" with "pregnant opportunity to obtain a loftier-quality education" represents an inclusive standard that could be practical to all students, and Congress could constitute a private right of action for students whose pedagogy is not adequate. A national right to educational activity would be consequent with the United nations Convention on the Rights of the Child, which, under international law, gives children the right to education. Notably, the Usa and Somalia are the only two of 193 nations that have not ratified the Convention on the Rights of the Child.

Many states do, however, recognize the rights of students to a public pedagogy gratuitous from bigotry. For instance, in New Jersey, the state Supreme Court cited its antidiscrimination law that provides protections beyond those afforded past Title Ix. The court unanimously concluded, "Students in the classroom are entitled to no less protection from unlawful discrimination and harassment than their adult counterparts in the workplace" (L.Due west. v. Toms River Regional Schools Board of Education, 2007). The court farther opined that schools should be required to "implement effective preventive and remedial measures to curb severe or pervasive discriminatory mistreatment." The New Bailiwick of jersey antidiscrimination law claim emulation.

Land laws on bullying

Since 1999, state legislatures have been remarkably active on bullying in schools. From 1990 to 2010, more than 120 bills were enacted by united states to innovate or amend instruction or criminal justice statutes that accost bullying. By 2015, every state had passed a constabulary that directs schoolhouse districts or individual schools to develop policies to address bullying. Some of the most mutual provisions include investigation and reporting of bullying, disciplinary actions for students involved in bullying, staff training and prevention efforts. Here is a wait at some of those provisions — and some of their limitations.

Reporting incidents of bullying

More than i-tertiary of the state laws explicitly require or encourage schoolhouse staff to report known incidents of bullying, and approximately two-thirds require or encourage schoolhouse districts to create procedures for investigating such incidents. Although near states give districts flexibility in their procedures, some accept taken a more than prescriptive approach. For case, New Jersey's law lays out detailed requirements regarding the investigation, documentation and review of each incident of bullying. Although investigation of bullying incidents is disquisitional, in that location is concern that some requirements impose an excessive burden on school employees without calculation substantial protection to bullied students and their families. Moreover, few states provide funding to support their new mandates, which limits the potential for successful implementation.

Disciplinary policies

Iii-quarters of us require or encourage school systems to bailiwick students who not bad, simply there are broad differences in what kinds of disciplinary consequences are considered advisable. Most state laws include general language about the need for "consequences," "disciplinary action" or "remedial activeness." Several laws explicitly recognize that disciplinary actions should exist historic period appropriate, but a handful authorize specific harsh punitive consequences, including suspension, expulsion and transfer to alternative school settings.

Especially troubling are the public calls for nothing tolerance for bullying despite widespread criticism that zero tolerance is a failed policy. Co-ordinate to APA'due south Nada Tolerance Task Forcefulness (2008), these policies mandate a severe punishment that is applied to all violations regardless of the circumstances. To some educators, nada tolerance simply means that a sure form of misbehavior volition not be ignored. However, the practice of naught tolerance in schools typically includes a specified penalisation, such as long-term suspension or expulsion, regardless of the seriousness of the infraction. It is the automatic and astringent nature of the punishment that has raised concerns. The utilize of automatic school suspension has been rejected by critics because it is unnecessarily punitive, fails to address the needs of students who bully and could have a spooky effect on reporting by children and adults.

Prevention and support services

More promising are state law provisions that encourage preventive approaches to bullying, too equally counseling or other support services to students involved in bullying. Approximately half of states require or encourage school districts to train school personnel on bullying prevention. Almost require or encourage bullying prevention, education, or awareness programs for students. However, only one-third of state laws guide districts to include in their policies the provision of counseling or other back up services for bullied students, students who bully, or (in a few states) witnesses to bullying.

A critical need for schools is guidance on effective prevention and intervention services. Schoolhouse authorities are inundated with programs and services (such as motivational speakers, inspirational videos, guidebooks and curricula) that purport to reduce bullying just lack scientific bear witness of their effectiveness. Enquiry is needed to decide the effectiveness of such programs. Meanwhile, a large body of enquiry already documents the effectiveness of schoolhouse-based programs to reduce pupil aggression and disruptive behavior.

Statutory definitions of bullying

In that location is a singled-out gap between state legislative definitions of bullying and the criteria agreed upon by scholars. Near states define bullying in terms of its intent to harm and severity of impact, but only four states include a power imbalance in their criteria and only eight ascertain bullying as a repetitive behavior.

Many statutory definitions besides tend to blur distinctions between the terms bullying and harassment. In its review, the U.South. Department of Teaching (2011) plant that "legislative language used in crafting bullying laws frequently borrows straight from harassment statues," which has led to a conflation of the terms bullying and harassment, "despite their important legal distinctions." Indeed, Cascardi and colleagues (2014) found that 22 states utilise the terms harassment, intimidation and bullying interchangeably, xiv restrict their definitions to bullying, two restrict their definitions to harassment, and eight include the terms harassment and bullying, but define them differently. Even the Office for Ceremonious Rights, in its 2014 Love Colleague letter on bullying, acknowledges that "the terms 'bullying' and 'harassment' are used interchangeably."

Challenges of conflating harassment and bullying in state laws

Harassment, unlike bullying, is a beliefs that has been long addressed in state and federal law. Nether state constabulary, harassment typically is characterized as unwanted behavior that demeans, threatens or offends another and results in a hostile environment for the victim. As previously discussed, under federal law, it is a violation of civil rights to engage in harassment on the basis of race, color, national origin, sex or inability. Although discriminatory harassment tin can be regarded as a subset of bullying behavior considering it only includes victims who fall into sure protected categories, harassment does non require a ability imbalance, which clouds its relation with bullying. In principle, harassment could occur in the absence of a power imbalance.

Still, it could exist argued that harassment nether civil rights law implies the existence of a power imbalance in the notion that sure groups (defined by gender, race, religion, national origin or disability status) must be protected. In this way harassment might still be regarded as a form of bullying, only i in which the power imbalance is presumed rather than adamant. This is not a satisfactory solution because it stretches the concept of power imbalance in a round direction, then it seems necessary to recognize that harassment does not neatly fit into a broader category of bullying.

Recognizing that bullying may be more probable amongst particular groups of individuals, nigh i-third of the state bullying laws listing characteristics (such as gender, race, national origin, religion, inability and sexual orientation) that may characterize victims of bullying. Debate has ensued over the wisdom of enumerating protected groups or characteristics in bullying laws. Proponents argue that identifying specific groups sends a clear bulletin to school personnel about the demand to protect those students who are virtually vulnerable to bullying, and some evidence suggests that antibullying policies that enumerate groups of protected youth may be associated with fewer suicide attempts amongst lesbian and gay youth. A more inclusive approach is to enumerate the groups deemed most at take a chance for bullying, only to explicitly recognize in the police force that any class of bullying confronting any student is prohibited. At to the lowest degree six states take specified that schools must offer all students the aforementioned protection against bullying without regard to the educatee's legal condition or membership in a protected form.

In land law, as in federal law, at that place is a conceptual problem undermining the use of civil rights laws to protect victims of bullying: Schools increasingly face the complex task of sorting out which federal and state antidiscrimination laws utilize to a pupil who is being bullied — and accordingly have unlike legal obligations in dissimilar situations. Consider the instance of a educatee who is bullied in different ways by different students. A school'due south obligations in such a case may depend on the pupil'due south gender, race, religion, national origin and inability status.

A more straightforward and inclusive path is to protect all students from peer aggression that threatens their right to instruction. Only as no student should be victimized considering of gender, race, religion, national origin, or disability condition, no student should remain unprotected because the aggression fails to come across ane of those criteria. The critical upshot should be whether a student is being harmed, and whether that harm is injurious to the student's health and well-being. In an adult workplace, the standard would be no less.

Challenges of conflating bullying with other peer assailment in country police

Preventing school bullying State laws tend to define bullying broadly and to eschew the bookish definition of bullying, particularly its focus on power imbalance. The accent in most state laws is on the harmful furnishings of bullying rather than whether the assaulter has dominance or power over the victim. On ane hand, this seems reasonable because when a student is beingness harmed, the question of whether a power imbalance is present is secondary to the need to end the harm and foreclose its recurrence. On the other paw, this approach ignores important differences between bullying and student aggression with respect to the harms that they cause. In addition, information technology fails to recognize that the efforts needed to study, investigate, accost and preclude bullying are distinct in some important means from efforts to address other forms of peer aggression.

For example, since many bullied youth are reluctant to report their victimization, experts have emphasized the importance of increasing adult supervision at school, instituting strategies such as safe reporting procedures to increase students' comfort with reporting bullying, and careful and expedient investigation of all reports. Similarly, many states crave or encourage school staff to report bullying and most highlight the need to develop procedures for investigating bullying incidents. Although other forms of aggressive or violent behavior are also likely underreported in schools, the power differential in instances of bullying make it especially probable that victims will suffer silently, and therefore require specially sensitive reporting and investigation procedures.

Non simply are there differences in the reporting and investigation of bullying versus other ambitious or violent behaviors at school, at that place are also singled-out recommended interventions with bullied and bullying youth. For instance, peer arbitration and disharmonize resolution are common strategies for dealing with conflicts among students, merely peer mediation is non recommended in bullying cases because of the power differential between bullied and bullying students, and the potential for additional harm that such a coming together might crusade. Moreover, experts contend that face-to-face meetings betwixt bullied and bullying students should be considered only in advisedly prescribed situations, such equally when both parties wish to participate and when those facilitating the intervention have preparation. In addition, recognizing the trauma that many bullied students experience, referrals to supportive mental wellness services within schools and communities may be necessary.

Finally, given differences in the nature and prevalence of bullying versus other forms of peer aggression — and the differences in harm each may crusade — training and prevention efforts to address bullying must highlight unique issues.

Bullying within land criminal laws

Traditionally, bullying has not been viewed every bit a criminal human activity and has either been ignored or treated as a disciplinary matter in schools. Arguably, all states accept criminal laws that may exist applied to some bullying behaviors, for example, when bullying constitutes set on and battery.

Simply in contempo years, there has been a shift toward increasing criminalization of bullying. Seven state bullying laws encourage criminal sanctions for bullying by mandating procedures for schoolhouse personnel to written report bullying that may violate criminal police. Missouri's state bullying constabulary directs schools to impose sanctions on school staff who exercise not comply with reporting requirements. In addition, an increasing number of states have modified existing criminal or juvenile codes to address bullying behavior or take created new crimes to target bullying or harassment. For example, North Carolina legislators passed a law that criminalizes cyberbullying. Idaho created a crime of harassment, intimidation or bullying among students.

In that location are multiple concerns with the criminalization of bullying. Starting time, the concept of bullying may be besides broad and subjective for reasonable application in the criminal justice system, specially considering it encompasses behaviors engaged in by a large proportion of the population. A 2nd concern is that the criminalization of school misbehavior leads to higher rates of school disengagement, academic failure and dropout, and ultimately, involvement in the juvenile justice system.

Meanwhile, remarkably little research has been conducted to written report how these laws and policies are implemented and to what effect. Qualitative studies are needed to evaluate how policies are implemented, including barriers and facilitators in implementation.

Recommendations

Even though nearly all states require the development of school policies on bullying, we know lilliputian about their implementation or effectiveness. School policies must conform to legal requirements set up forth in state antibullying laws, simply should also reflect all-time practices informed past scientific enquiry.

In light of available prove, we recommend that school policies on bullying include these core elements:

  • Land laws should protect all students from peer victimization, including harassment and bullying. The concept of bullying should exist distinguished from peer assailment and harassment because of research evidence regarding its differential touch on and the need for differentiated prevention and intervention measures. Legislative definitions of bullying should encourage schools to use science-based measures and interventions that distinguish bullying from other forms of peer victimization.
  • Students and parents should be educated about bullying and provided with multiple means of seeking help for it. Given the reluctance of many children and youth to study bullying that they feel or witness, information technology is important that policies include provisions to increase the ease of reporting, such as anonymous reporting procedures.
  • In that location should be a prompt and thorough investigation of suspected or reported bullying. As noted by the U.S. Department of Education Function for Civil Rights, this should include "immediate intervention strategies for protecting the victim from boosted bullying or retaliation... notification to parents of the victim or reported victim of bullying and the alleged perpetrator, and, if appropriate, notification to law enforcement officials."
  • Bullying should not be categorized as a criminal behavior because information technology varies so widely in form and severity. In almost cases, bullying can exist handled appropriately with school disciplinary and counseling measures. However, bullying behaviors that too meet criteria for illegal beliefs, such as assault or extortion, should be dealt with as accounted appropriate for the circumstances and severity of the behavior. When bullying beliefs constitutes sexual harassment or a violation of civil rights in some other way, school regime should be responsive to their legal obligations.
  • Schools should non apply zero-tolerance policies that assign harsh consequences for violating a schoolhouse rule, regardless of the context or severity of behavior. Instead, there should be graduated consequences for bullying that are appropriate to the context and severity of the beliefs and characteristics of the student(s).
  • School policies should direct schoolhouse staff to assess students who are bullied for possible mental wellness and academic bug and provide support and referrals for these students and their parents, as needed. Policies also should direct staff to provide support and referrals for students who engage in bullying.
  • School policies should include provisions for grooming all staff to forbid, place and answer appropriately to bullying. This training would include recognition of the overlap between bullying and illegal behavior.
  • School policies should encourage the adoption of evidence-based strategies to guide prevention and intervention efforts. Schools should be leery of programs or strategies that are based on emotional appeals with no supporting evidence of effectiveness.

In conclusion, schoolhouse policies should reflect all-time practices informed by scientific research, and and so nosotros recommend greater reliance on evidence-based practices and rejection of disciplinary practices that are known to be ineffective. Considering bullying behavior is then widespread and and then varied in form and severity, reliance on criminal sanctions would be ill advised. A strategy that combines teaching, school-based interventions and policy reform leading to cultural change would seem well-nigh appropriate. Nosotros urge policymakers and legislators to affirm that public educational activity is a correct for all students and to recognize that bullying is an impediment to that right.

Dewey G. Cornell, PhD, is a forensic clinical psychologist and Bunker Professor of Education in the Curry School of Education at the University of Virginia. Susan P. Limber, PhD, is a developmental psychologist and Dan Olweus Professor in the Department of Youth, Family, and Community Studies at Clemson Academy.

This article is condensed from Cornell, D., & Limber, S. P. (2015). Law and policy on the concept of bullying at school. American Psychologist, 70(4), 333–343. To read the total commodity and see all citations, become to Law and Policy on the Concept of Bullying at School (PDF, 126KB).